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Analysing the reception by ethnic majority and minority viewers
Having studied the representation of ethnicity in fiction on Flemish channels, we will now move on to the second research question and analyse how diverse groups of ethnic majority and minority viewers respond to Flemish and American fiction, focusing on their appreciation of ethnic minority portrayals. We used qualitative research to complement the existing Flemish quantitative research, especially because this allows us to limit the essentialist overtones of ethnic categorisations and to search for differences within and similarities across ethnic groups. Complementing earlier in-depth interviews (Dhoest 2009), we used focus groups for this research in order to witness the social character of viewing and to tease out in-group similarities and differences. Twelve focus group interviews of five to six members were conducted with six different ethnic groups in Flanders (a total of 63 respondents). To cover potential gender differences and to prevent possible uneasiness in mixed groups, a homogeneous male and a female group were interviewed for each ethnicity. All participants were between eighteen and twenty years old, an important period in the search for identity. Each interview was moderated by two young student-researchers, in order to keep the power distance as small as possible.[2] Moderating was mostly non-directive, starting with some introductory questions on television viewing and preferences and then moving on to a discussion of eight clips, taken from the programs broadcast in the constructed week mentioned above. Clips were used to provoke more spontaneous responses and to more closely approximate normal processes of television viewing than would have been the case in a traditional interview. The clips were selected to include different kinds of portrayal of ethnic minorities, both in Flemish and in American fiction. After the spontaneous reactions to these clips, more specific questions were asked about the representation of ethnicity.
As mentioned above, this research attempts to break loose of the binary opposition built into so much research on ethnic minorities, which opposes majority and minority viewers explicitly or implicitly (by only looking at ethnic minorities and thus assuming a special reading position). While still researching ethnicity (and therefore adopting existing group divisions), this article aims to question and qualify the notion of one ‘allochthonous’ group by including many variations of ethnic and cultural diversity. Beside two Flemish focus groups, Moroccan and Turkish groups were interviewed, the two largest non-European groups of migrants (23% and 7% of all foreigners) in the province of Antwerp where the research took place. Less usual was the inclusion of Dutch youngsters living in Belgium, our closest neighbours speaking the same language but coming from a different cultural background. In fact, the Dutch form the largest group (32%) of foreigners in the province of Antwerp (Provincie Antwerpen 2002). Our research also included two groups of Jews, a large community in Antwerp, although not strictly speaking an ethnic but rather a religious minority. Finally, we also included two groups of Africans, youngsters coming from diverse countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, such as the former Belgian colony of Congo. For the sake of simplicity, these groups will be referred to as Flemish, Moroccan, Turkish, Dutch, Jewish and African, although many ethnic minority interviewees have the Belgian nationality and all could be called Flemish considering they were raised – and often even born – here. In fact, apart from three African interviewees who were adopted by Belgians, none of the interviewees are ‘first generation’ immigrants, which is important as particularly first-generation non-European migrants tend to be less culturally and linguistically integrated into Belgian society.
Because of the limited amount of interviewees, generalisation to entire ethnic groups is not possible, but as mentioned above this is also not advisable since this would presuppose homogeneity within each group. The major aim, therefore, is to get a better view on dimensions of diversity, looking at similarities between ethnic groups and differences within the category of ‘allochtones’. In the process, our hope is to question the persistent binary opposition of ‘us’ (autochthonous, ethnic majority) and them (allochthonous, ethnic minority). We are well aware of the limitations of this research, e.g. the small groups not allowing to fully grasp differences within ethnic communities, but we do believe that it provides a valuable exploration of the field.
TV preferences
next sectionA first finding worth mentioning is that television does remain an important everyday medium and shared experience in the age of internet, all participants living in multi-set households and often having their own set in their rooms. Cable TV is widespread in Belgium, which explains why no Flemish or Dutch participants have access to satellite television, as opposed to most ethnic minority viewers who do. As indicated by earlier research (e.g. Devroe et al. 2005) and confirmed in our focus groups, Turks in particular use it to watch channels from their country of origin. The Moroccan respondents are less interested in satellite TV, in part because Berber is often the native tongue of their parents and they do not have sufficient knowledge of Arabic. It is mostly their parents who watch satellite TV for language reasons or to keep in touch with the country of origin, as do Jewish parents with Israeli TV. The African interviewees are generally more firmly integrated in Belgium and do not belong to a clear diasporic community, so they less often take recourse to satellite TV.
Clearly, in terms of viewing habits, ‘allochthones’ are not as homogeneous as is often assumed. Language skills and the strength of the connections to the country of origin cause varied patterns of media use. Despite this variation, when asked about their favourite channel, most respondents refer to the same Flemish channels, such as the youth-oriented commercial channels VT4 and Kanaal2 (now 2Be) and music channels such as TMF. Only Turkish respondents consistently watch channels from their country of origin, which is also reflected in their program preferences. They are the only ethnic group to rate their ‘native’ fiction equally high as American fiction, whereas almost all other respondents have a preference for American fiction. Across all groups, favourite programs include American action series such as Prison Break, CSI and Lost, and comedies such as Friends and My wife and kids. This makes for a striking similarity in the overall viewing patterns of these groups, who share more ‘global’ cultural reference points than is often assumed. This is consistent with findings of earlier research on ethnic minorities (e.g. Elias and Lemish 2008; Tufte 2001; Dhoest 2009) and with the often observed orientation of younger generations towards global culture (Straubhaar 2007, 205). The focus on entertainment and fiction in this research seems justified, as it is an important source of shared culture among youngsters of different ethnic backgrounds.
Although Flemish channels are preferred, Flemish programs are not. While more popular in the overall population, Flemish fiction does not seem to appeal to these young viewers. Overall, they think American fiction is better because it has higher production values, better (more realistic) performances, more professionality etc. Most participants think Flemish fiction is boring while American fiction is funnier or more action-packed: quicker, bigger, more spectacular etc. Flemish fiction is often oriented on everyday life, which appeals less to many viewers:
Thomas: ‘In America it is more about murder, sex, drugs. Looking at it that way, I think I prefer American to Flemish [series] because these [the latter] are too much about daily life.’ (Flemish boys) [3]
Because of its focus on action and spectacle, American fiction is often regarded as less realistic than Flemish fiction, but the participants do not mind: they want to be entertained, which is consistent with our findings in earlier research on Flemish, Moroccan and Turkish youngsters (Dhoest 2009). For instance, after having watched a clip from CSI, the Turkish boys explain why they think this is so much better than Flemish fiction:
Mehmet: ‘Because it’s so thrilling. Take the bit we just saw, that camera movement, those locations, those police uniforms, it all looks more real and exciting.’
Murat: ‘I wouldn’t really call it more real. It’s much better TV, and you can watch it for 40 minutes, but it’s not more realistic I think.’
Mehmet: ‘OK, that’s true, but it doesn’t really matter, right? You don’t watch TV to see how boring life can be; you just want to see the exciting or hilarious things. That’s much better in American series.’
What is interesting, so far, is that similar responses keep appearing in the different groups, so ethnicity is not a distinctive or salient factor in many respects.
Upon first view, the fact that Flemish fiction does not appeal to ethnic minority viewers could be attributed to its limited representation of ethnic minorities, but it doesn’t appeal to young Flemish viewers either. Based on the broader literature on domestic fiction, we could expect that recognition (because of cultural proximity) would be important (e.g. Straubhaar 2007), but at least for this age group this is hardly an issue. The ‘cultural discount’ of American fiction seems to be minimal, which to Buonanno (2008) is due to its great familiarity or ‘domesticated otherness’.
For these youngsters, watching fiction is all about entertainment and even escape from the drudgery of everyday life. Only the Turkish groups form a clear exception, since they like Turkish fiction because it is more recognisable to them and they feel more connected to it:
Ahmet: ‘You just don’t watch Belgian series because they are boring and don’t come across as real. Turkish series are good because you feel connected to them and because they are less boring, and American series are OK because they are not boring at all, they contain enough action to keep it interesting.’ (Turkish boys)
Language is also part of the equation, whereas it is not for Flemish viewers:
Q: ‘Why do you watch more Turkish television?’
Elif: ‘For example, because that’s our own language.’
Hadise: ‘So we feel more at home.’
Elif: ‘You also recognise more, all the things that happen there. In Turkish series you see yourself more, as in “oh yes, that also happened to me”.’ (Turkish girls)
The viewers of Turkish origin are the only group with such a strong connection to the country and culture of origin, as they admit themselves, even calling themselves ‘nationalists’. For them, cultural proximity is important, but other ethnic minority groups comment less on recognition. This may indicate that ethnicity is less central to their identity but might very well be due in part to the fact that they do not have as much access to fiction from their own culture. The Flemish viewers, on the contrary, do have access to a lot of ‘own’ fiction, but their ethnicity is so self-evident that it does not seem to be much of an issue either.
Assessing the amount of ethnic minority characters
This leads us to the core of this research, the representation of ethnic minorities on Flemish TV. As expected, this is the topic on which opinions start to diverge more clearly, based upon the different positions and experiences of each ethnic group. To start, the Flemish and Dutch generally think there are enough portrayals of ethnic minorities in Flemish TV fiction. They see an effort is being made to include ethnic minorities, which they think is positive but also comes across as somewhat ‘forced’, i.e. as less self-evident than in American fiction:
Elke: ‘I think they accentuate it much more in Flemish and Dutch series, while it doesn’t draw that much attention in American series because they are also more integrated in society. Here, that’s still ongoing, and therefore they accentuate it more.’
Ineke: ‘That’s what I also think, that they get more attention.’
Elke: ‘In Belgium they really take care to represent them well, so people get a positive image in contrast to all the negative messages in the papers.’
Ineke: ‘In American series they just act like all the rest, they don’t do anything special.’ (Flemish girls)
The African respondents agree that there are enough portrayals of ethnic minorities, but they think their own community is underrepresented: ‘If you see a foreigner on TV most of the time it’s a Turk or a Moroccan’ (Rose, African girl). They also complain about the homogenisation of the whole of Africa:
Jan: ‘On TV they always give the impression that the culture is the same in all of Africa and that isn’t the case, like the culture in Poland is different from that in Spain. On TV it’s as if Africa is one country and that every culture is identical and that’s ridiculous, really.’ (African boys)
In the three other groups there is more disagreement, some thinking there are not enough ethnic minorities and others thinking there are enough. The discussion among the Jewish boys is telling:
Q: ‘Do you think there are enough allochthonous people on TV here?’
Beau: ‘No, not enough, otherwise it wouldn’t draw our attention when there is one in it. Many programs try to remedy that but because we’re not used to it, it’s quite difficult to change that.’
Dino: ‘Well, I think they are on TV often enough. A bit like in real life, so it’s realistic.’
In contrast, the Turkish girls are very critical:
Q: ‘Do you think there are enough allochthonous people on TV?’
All: ‘No, certainly not.’
Q: ‘I mean, as a representation of reality.’
Hadise: ‘Reality? (laughs) In our street you can hardly find ten Belgians, it’s all Moroccans and Turks and such. But on TV, it’s just as if there’s only one.’
Like the Flemish and many other groups, the Turkish boys comment on the stronger ethnic minority presence on American TV, which they link to the stronger social integration. When asked if they think there are enough ethnic minorities on Flemish TV, it transpires that they do not really care all that much:
Murat: ‘To be honest, I never pay attention to that... That’s not on your mind when you just want to watch a show.’
A similar answer arises among the Moroccan girls:
Q: ‘Do you think it is important that allochthonous people participate in a series?’
Dina: ‘It doesn’t really matter to me.’
Bonnita: ‘To me neither.’
Nadia: ‘As long as it’s thrilling.’
The Moroccan boys would also like more ethnic minority characters, but they do not really care very much either. Overall, it seems that most groups have gotten used to the scarce presence of ethnic minorities. Entertainment, rather than representation, is on their mind when watching fiction.
Evaluating ethnic minority representations
When moving on to the evaluation of these portrayals, several clips were used to get the discussion started. As we cannot discuss every group’s discussion of each clip, we will limit this account to the overall patterns and the most salient findings. To start, it is worth noting that the focus groups were not introduced as being ‘about’ ethnic minorities. Although the clips were chosen to illustrate different portrayals of ethnic minorities in Flemish and American fiction, many respondents did not pick up on that. In the discussion after each clip, most groups did not spontaneously comment on this issue, which confirms the point made above: to many, it is not much of an issue when watching fiction. Methodologically, this suggests that much research on the reception of images relating to ethnic minorities may unwittingly attune the viewers to this issue in the first place. We should be careful not to push ethnic minority respondents towards critical responses by one-sidedly focusing on problems in representation.
Commenting on a clip showing the sympathetic Moroccan Mo and the Polish Waldek fooling around while doing a paint job, most groups agree that this is a positive and realistic portrayal. They discern the program maker’s attempt to breach negative images and both Flemish groups even comment it would be good to occasionally have a less positive character:
Ineke: ‘Yes, it’s sometimes too good, so in the end it’s not realistic anymore.’
Heleen: ‘Yes, they don’t dare to represent them negatively.’ (Flemish girls)
Overall, the Dutch and Flemish respondents think characters from ethnic minorities are portrayed positively and realistically. The ethnic minority respondents are also generally satisfied with Mo and Waldek, situating them against a backdrop of negative and stereotypical portrayals. Commenting on Mo’s blue-collar job, the Moroccan girls comment:
Amal: ‘A job is a job.’
Bonnita: ‘It doesn’t matter.’
Nadia: ‘At least he’s not just sitting at home, so at least they can’t say he’s taking advantage of unemployment benefits.’ (Moroccan girls)
The Turkish boys generally agree, thinking Mo and Waldek are realistically represented as quite normal and cool guys:
Mehmet: ‘I thought it was good that Mo didn’t stab anyone. (laughs) They were just both working like normal people, making a bit of fun, fooling around. I liked that, mostly foreigners are still the baddies on TV, right?’
There are also more critical voices, for instance from the group of Turkish girls who comment on the stereotypical menial job.
Overall, ethnic minority respondents are more sensitive to stereotypes, which also becomes apparent in the clip from Thuis with the Moroccan student of medicine Youssef, who recounts the police immediately suspected him of stealing when in fact he was getting something from his car. While most respondents think this is a realistic situation of everyday racism, and appreciate the way in which it is criticised, some consider this as a negative and stereotypical representation because Youssef is linked to crime. This illustrates how hard it is for fiction – however well-intended – to get it right in a context where few alternative representations of ethnic minorities are available. The burden of representation is heavy and can only be lightened through increased diversity on screen.
A similar tension arises around the clips from equal opportunities telenovela Emma. The program reflects on gender roles and one clip shows how Birsen’s husband Veli is very jealous, while another one shows how he takes care of the household while she is out working. The Flemish and Dutch groups mostly state that jealousy is not linked to ethnicity and comment on the positive, progressive gender portrayal. Ethnic minority groups are more mixed. For instance, the Turkish groups state that jealousy is quite typical of Turkish men.
Hadise: ‘Yes, that’s typical. That does happen with us.’ (...)
Emina: ‘Yes, Turkish guys are generally really jealous. But I don’t mind that much, [because] then you know they really love you because they are worried about you.’ (Turkish girls)
The Moroccan girls agree that in their culture too, men are generally jealous, but they still think it is quite a stereotypical portrayal, as do the Turkish boys. Similarly, the Turkish and Moroccan groups think that the portrayal of ‘new man’ Veli is not realistic.
Elif: ‘That’s not realistic, really. It’s just not that way in our culture. OK, there are differences between older and younger Turks, we are more modern, but the woman working and the man not working, that’s really impossible.’ (Turkish girls)
All the same, some think that the portrayal of Veli’s traditional friend Osman is too stereotypical and old-fashioned. Again, it becomes clear how hard it is to get it right: while more traditional portrayals may be considered as stereotypical, progressive and politically correct representations may be considered as unrealistic by members of the group that is portrayed.